We are two Democrats who support President Donald Trump’s extraction of Nicolás Maduro from Venezuela. As of now, most prominent Democrats in public life are vehemently opposed, typically embracing the idea that Congress should have been consulted — or even voted — first on the extraction plan. How such a process could have led to a second Bay of Pigs disaster was absent from the statements we’ve seen.
We agree with public opinion across all parties that the military strike itself was extraordinary, a tribute to the skill, training and courage of our military service members. No other military in the world except ours could have pulled this off.
However, while we strongly believe that a healthy democracy needs a loyal opposition that competes with the opposing party, we are not Democrats who oppose the incumbent Trump administration reflexively.
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With most other Democrats and many Republicans, we also worry that Maduro loyalists might remain in office and that commercial interests may supersede the fundamental goals of democratization and the protection of human rights.
But let’s review the facts: Maduro was a uniquely bad actor, even among murderous tyrants professing to be socialist collectivists. Maduro’s rule created major problems for the United States, not only as a conduit for the flow of illegal drugs into this country but also as an active ally of Vladimir Putin, Xi Jinping and the Cuban communist regime.
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Most importantly, Maduro is not a legitimately elected leader. Last year, he stole the presidential election in broad daylight, killed hundreds and imprisoned thousands, despite the Biden administration’s decision to loosen sanctions in hopes Maduro would leave Venezuela with a few billion dollars stolen from his own people.
Maduro’s regime was not recognized by Trump in his first term, nor by President Biden in his, nor by the European Union. Maduro’s socialist policies led not only to the irrational destruction of Venezuela’s only lucrative export, oil, but also pushed eight million Venezuelans into exile.
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Nicolás Maduro had multiple opportunities to step down but refused every one of them. Now, he is likely to spend his remaining days in an American prison.
Rather than reflexive opposition to everything President Trump does, Democrats should more closely follow the example of the late Sen. Sam Nunn, who offered qualified support for the invasion of Panama and the arrest of its leader, Manuel Noriega.
However, Sen. Nunn also warned that the U.S. must avoid becoming a "permanent occupying force," in either reality or perception, in order to prevent anti-American backlash.
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Today, the best way to prevent the backlash Nunn feared is for the U.S. to promote a smooth transition to democracy and respect for the will of the Venezuelan people.
And while that would seemingly suggest elevating María Corina Machado to the presidency, given the uncertainty of the situation, we prefer new elections with international and U.S. supervision.
Without taking anything away from Machado — whose stand-in candidate, Edmundo González, reportedly won the 2024 election with an estimated two-thirds of the vote following the banning of her candidacy — this would simply give her or any other candidate a chance to reaffirm their mandate as the will of the people.
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That brings us to where we most disagree with the Trump administration: the strategy of running Venezuela through the current vice president, Delcy Rodríguez.
As Maduro’s second in command, Rodríguez represents the old order with a new face, and she has already voiced her objection to Maduro’s arrest. What Venezuela needs is an orderly process to build a new government — one that enjoys popular support, protects free markets and accelerates the democratization of the country.
Ultimately, it must be possible for Democrats to hold two thoughts in their heads at the same time. Yes, removing Maduro presents unique challenges, and there is no guarantee that Venezuela becomes a liberal democracy.
But it is also true that removing him sends a message to supporters of freedom in Latin America and throughout the world — particularly to Iran — that the United States is committed to the democratic process, free elections, free market capitalism and liberal democracy itself.
Democrats should applaud that — and the commander in chief who ordered the mission.
Douglas Schoen and Robert Green, through their firm, Penn, Schoen and Berland, served as pollsters for Súmate, the anti-Chávez movement that was established during the reign of former Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez. In addition, through their firm, partners Mark Penn and Doug Schoen served two former Venezuelan presidents as pollsters and advisers prior to the rise of Hugo Chávez.
Moreover, Schoen is the author of the 2009 book "The Threat Closer to Home," about Venezuela.
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